这本书的作者在他条款“六次旅程”上旅行。在这些“旅程”上，当他旅行时，他遇到了不同的文化
到世界上六个不同的巧合地区。他通过采访这个特定社会的不同成员来研究每个民众表现出的独特的民族主义表达。他所游历的六个领域都是为了清楚地了解民族主义在社会中的表达。民族主义是造成这些地区目前可能出现的未来不稳定的一个因素。这些地区是前南斯拉夫(特别是克罗地亚和塞尔维亚)、德国、乌克兰、魁北克、库尔德斯坦和北爱尔兰。根据伊格纳蒂夫的说法，克罗地亚和塞尔维亚都希望两国独立。对丧失民族身份的恐惧引起了种族仇恨。这种恐怖如此强烈，历史上一直存在，它迫使人们陷入绝望的状态，做任何事。这是造成今天那里出现极端暴力的一个重要原因。发件人说:“因此，克罗地亚人不是塞尔维亚人。 A Serb is someone who is not a Croat.” This quotation profoundly expresses the short-sighted mentality present in their conflict. In his travels in Germany, the author points out an important question. Does the nation make the state, or the state the nation? This question by far does not stop here, especially when Germany is the subject. The essence of the German people is seen by some as aggressive and offensive, thus the existence of the German problem. If the nation makes the state then Germany will always be a threat. If the state makes the nation, then the aggressive nature of the German nation, which lead the world into two global wars, can be harnessed and redirected. The question has its roots and answers in the recent reunification of Germany. The Ukraine is concerned with not being Russian. It is here Ignatieff receives a complete vision of what nationalism is. He states, “I understand what nationalism really is: the dream that a whole nation could be like a congregation; singing the same hymns, listening to the same gospel, sharing the same emotions, linked not only to each other but to the dead buried beneath their feet.” Quebec is a model that presents a possible future of the state system. Ignatieff uses the example of Quebec to illustrate the relationship between nationalism and federalism. He implies that “if federalism fails in Canada it can fail anywhere.” If the balance between “ethnic and civil principles” is not maintained in Canada, who is not an impoverished country and has a large, successful economy; then perhaps the modern world has not transcended the grasps of nationalism. The Kurds represent a nation without a state, who find themselves surrounded by other nations who are more aggressive nationalists. The term Kurdistan is a definition of the areas used by Ignatieff to explain the area of major Kurdish populace concentration. There is no real borders, no flag, no government and Kurds must acknowledge the state in which they reside (i.e., – Syria, Turkey, Iran and Iraq), of which, is not Kurdistan. Finally, the sixth journey ends in Northern Ireland. He makes the observation that this is the ideal place to conclude his project. Northern Ireland contains a recurrence of the themes that seemed so prevalent in the other journeys. In Ireland ethnicity, religion and politics are all bound into one expression or identity. These are also evident in the five previous studies. Is Michael Ignatieff’s work relevant? The answer to this question is, yes it is. The issue is important. Nationalism presents itself as a phenomenon. The questions of why people need to retain a cultural identity and the way they go about preserving it is still unanswerable. Evermore unfathomable is the violence permeated through nationalistic expressions, which are “necessary” by the parties involved.
民族主义创造的谜的存在决定了更深入地探索主题的必要性。书中的情况不是孤立的事件。全国各州存在民族主义。在民族主义和联邦主义之间的Ignatieff提供了一种二分法。He explains the political doctrine of nationalism by stating “(1)that the world’s peoples are divided into nations, (2) that these nations should have the right of self-determination, and (3) that the full self-determination requires statehood.” Federalism, though not a particular ideology, is a means of sharing political power among different peoples within a state. The various systems of government which fall under the definition of federalism are not problematic to the people; unless, of course, they are not completely legitimate. If the government is illegitimate, then ideally nationalism steps in to demand a completely self-determined government, which renders proper representation to its populace. Despite the diversity of a state’s population, theoretically, harmony is maintained since the people are properly represented or controlled. This situation with variation is experienced throughout the world. States are dynamic, also their government and populace. If the dynamics of the government or the state do not keep up with the pace of change in the populace, then instability will rise in the name of nationalism and shake the very foundation of the state if left unchecked or not placated. The method used by the author of the book was personal interviews with both prominent people and the normal everyday person in the areas visited. He also uses descriptions on the surrounding areas to accent the point of discussion. His intent was to objectively take the reader on a stroll through the areas he visited. Through his style of writing, he allows the reader to sit in on his interview by highlighting specific questions and the responses that take place in his conversations. Finally, he creates visual images that he had viewed as ironic and analogical in support of his observations. Ignatieff comes to the conclusion that nationalism is not the problem of this world. Continuing, he goes on to say that when one loses their individuality to become a “patriot,” that is where the danger lies. Being yourself is something that ethnic nationalism does not allow. Political ideologies can become blinding to its possessors. At the beginning of the book mentions that he is a liberal.
旅行和经验根本没有改变。他指出了“自由美德 - 容忍，妥协，理性”的重要性，但结束了关于这些美德如何反对人性的观察。Ignatieff解决了围绕民族主义这样的暴力因素，如瘟疫，结论是，民族主义的言论是致力于犯下暴力行为的借口。他观察到大多数暴力是由年龄在18至25岁之间的年轻人进行的。他的解释是，自由主义思想忘记了不是每个人都讨厌暴力。他还说，男性存在一个基本的厌恶和平。人性是暴力或Ignatieff认为它是特别是男性人性的原因。我个人喜欢这本书，发现它是有趣的阅读。它有一个小说的方面而不会失去学术性。Michael Ignatieff的写作风格是创意的，并妥善支持他的观察。他描绘了他在旅程中发现的毁灭，以便让读者能够体验到它第一手看到它的相同绝望和绝望的方式。 Another interesting perspective that the author added to the book was his own identity. He traveled to places that he had either lived at or where his family originally came from. His family roots add a personal touch that would otherwise have been left out. Religion and its role in society are important concerning nationalism. It is in this author’s opinion that religions not be viewed as a secondary facet to nationalism. The Islamic uprisings in France and the peace talks in southwest Asia between Israel and Syria are two different perspectives to the argument. Claude Barreau, advisor to the minister of interior in France says, “Foreigners arriving in France . . . now have a new fatherland. Islam has a place in France, provided it is willing to stay discreet as the other religions. But Islamist are coming as colonizers.” This illustrates an underlying principal that splits Europe down the middle. France is a representation of Europe according to the late Charles De Gaulle. France has adopted internal policies to control the growth of Islam by limiting both social expressions of that faith and by specific immigration procedures. Are not the three million plus population of Muslims in France entitled to nationalistic expression of their identity as French Muslims? Where does that leave the Bosnian Muslims, the Turks or any other non Christian state located near or inside Europe? The second point deals with Israel and Syria. The two countries have been at odds with each other since 1947 when Israel was recognized as a state. The main reason for the clash is the difference of religion, not national identity.
然而，这两国自从他们的开始以来已经发展，并具有强烈的民族主义倾向。这两个国家现在都倾向于妥协而不是一个圣战。随着谈判继续返回戈兰高地的黎巴嫩穆斯林犹太人仍然保持紧张。最近的和平谈判是以以色列北部叫做戈兰高地的土地。避免尝试解释极其复杂的情况或超薄此事，事实上，该地区许多国家元首正在为旧宗教问题选择政治解决方案。然而，他们的社会基础是宗教，是特定的伊斯兰教和判断。这种宗教因素永远不会因为双方目前存在的原教旨主义而持续停止并始终在该地区造成不稳定。总之，讨论了书籍，血液和归属的主题。本书主题的相关性与作者方法和写作风格进行了检查。这个批评还涉及Michael Ignatieff关于民族主义及其在世界上表达的结论。 Perhaps the world will always have to deal with the dichotomy discussed in this paper, however one can only hope that a long lasting solution will be found.
参考书目
1. Ignatieff，迈克尔血和归属：进入新民族主义的旅程。纽约，纽约：弗拉尔，斯特鲁斯和Giroux，1993. 2.“这取决于拉比。”经济学家，1994年9月24日至30日，第42-43页。3.“世俗性藐视”。1994年10月8日至14日，经济学家，第53页。
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