女性Mystique是Betty Friedan撰写的书籍的标题，他还创立了国家妇女组织（现在），帮助我们妇女获得平等的权利。她描述了“女性神秘的神秘主义者”，作为对妇女期望的提高意识，以及每个女人如何适应一个小女孩，一个未受过教育和失业的少年，最后作为一个幸福地清洁的妻子和母亲厨房和整天做饭。第二次世界大战后，很多妇女组织开始出现在将平等权利的问题中纳入敏捷之后。刻板印象甚至是女人头发的颜色。
许多女性都希望自己是金发，因为那是最理想的发色。在《女性的奥秘》一书中，弗里丹写道:“在美国，每十个女人中就有三个把头发染成金色”(Kerber/DeHart 514)。这是一个例子，说明了为什么会有这样一种推动女性去适应特定的模式，即女性的角色。黑人自然被排除在理想女性的概念之外，他们遭受的额外歧视甚至比白人女性所遭受的还要严重。除了头发的颜色，女性通常会竭尽全力来达到苗条的身材。女性们努力追求的是苗条模特的样子。许多女性
穿着紧张，不舒服的衣服，以创造稀释剂的幻觉，一些甚至服用了应该让他们减肥的药片。妇女的角色是找到一个丈夫支持他们会提高的家庭。许多女性从大学中掉了出来或者从未排在第一名，因为他们导致他们在家外工作是男人的，而且没有丈夫或儿童在没有丈夫或儿童的情况下，他们不会是女性化的照顾。妇女的巨大问题是处理对他们呈现的这种作用的心理压力。The happily married, perpetually baking, eternally mopping, Donna Reed that lived in every house on the block with her hard working husband and her twelve children that existed in the media made women feel that there was something wrong with them if they didn’t enjoy their housewife lifestyle. And it was not easy for women to deal with this problem. As Betty Friedan writes in The Feminine Mystique, “For over fifteen years women in America found it harder to talk about this problem than about sex. (Kerber/DeHart 515).” Many psychiatrists were baffled and the problem was often ignored with no known solution because everyone found it to not make any sense. Women of low economic status also struggled a great deal because they had to deal with the problems associated with a single income household which could become very frustrating when she has every reason to get a job, but cannot. It is also harder to raise children with a low income and provide for the family as she was expected to. It is interesting to apply the notion of the feminine mystique to modern culture and see that it often still exists. Though there are many women who are getting jobs, there are still a lot of families that fit the mold of the traditional family with the breadwinner and the bread baker with bunch of kids running around. The benefits which arose from this oppression were that women began to fight back. NOW activists began to use both traditional and non-traditional means to push for social change.
除了组织大规模游行，集会，纠察和反击外，他们还在继续做广大的选举和游说工作。现在，在常规智慧面前重新提起妇女权利的大众游行，这是一种与20世纪60年代一起消失的技术。3月份支持平等权利修正案在1978年将超过10万人加入华盛顿特区。现在，1992年妇女生活的3月成为资本最大的抗议活动。妇女的生活和经验被划分的方式之一是通过基于性取向的歧视。1960年代推动了很多强劲运动，同性恋权利运动是十年出现的众多人之一。来自民权运动引起的接受和平等的思想获得了很多动力，同性恋权利运动旨在实现一般人群的接受。涉及同性恋的主要历史活动是1969年6月在同性恋酒吧中逃出了一个警察袭击的石墙骚乱。这一事件引发了一种连锁反应，导致同性恋权利运动。今天的同性恋权利运动的影响仍然存在于促进同性恋者的同性恋和许多同性恋组织的存在。运动的基本目标是消除禁止同性恋活动的法律，为同性恋者提供平等的住房和就业机会，并在异性恋社区中创造更广泛的验收。仍然有很多反对那些接受同性恋的人。 Still there was a lot of oppression felt by lesbian women, even among the homosexual realm. In 1971 NOW became the first major national women’s organization to support lesbian rights. It has been one of the organization’s priority issues since 1975, and was the theme of national conferences in 1984 and 1988. Through the years, NOW activists have challenged anti-lesbian and gay laws and ballot initiatives in many states. Over 15 years ago, NOW gave strong support to a landmark 1979 case, Belmont v. Belmont, that defined lesbian partners as a nurturing family and awarded a lesbian mother custody of her two children.
该案件的原告罗斯玛丽·邓普西是NOW的行动副总裁。很多人仍然害怕对同性恋组织表示支持。在宗教团体中存在着关于同性恋问题的最大辩论。大多数基督教领袖反对同性恋，并将其定义为必须处理的一种罪。然而，最大的争论存在于意见不一的基督教领袖之间。一些教派允许同性恋牧师领导他们的教会，这对反对同性恋牧师的人来说是一种冒犯，而另一些教派既不宽恕也不拒绝这一问题。这对希望成为教会领袖的女同性恋者来说尤其重要，因为她们不得不面对那些声称，她们不仅应该禁止同性恋牧师，而且不应该允许女性在教会担任领导职务的人。如果将同性恋权利运动时期与殖民时期要求同性恋者保持沉默的时期进行比较，就能看出历史上的巨大进步。女同性恋者被迫压抑自己的性取向，为了过上“正常”的生活而结婚。即使在同性恋在20世纪70年代开始出现之后，女同性恋也经常被遗忘在争议的某个地方。 In the words of feminist author Kate Millett in her book, Sexual Politics which was written in 1970, “‘Lesbianism’ would appear to be so little a threat at the moment that it is hardly ever mentioned… Whatever its potentiality in sexual politics, female homosexuality is currently so dead an issue that while male homosexuality gains a grudging tolerance, in women the event is observed in scorn or in silence (pt. 3, ch. 8).” There seems to be no distinction made between homosexual men and homosexual women in the media and this causes another form of separation.
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