要说中国共产党革命是非西方革命不仅仅是一个陈词滥调，。这场革命主要是针对的，而不是法国革命，而是反对外星西方的影响，这些影响达到统治水平，大大改变了中国与世界的传统关系。因此，中国共产党对中国传统过去的态度是有选择性的，但绝不是完全敌对的。中国共产党革命，以及它产生上升的政权的外交政策有几个根，每个人都嵌入过去比一个人倾向于期望一个看似如此痉挛的运动。

在其支流系统中制度化的中国优势复杂是通过不那么先进或高效的任何标准的合理而不是现代西方。中国发展了一套复杂而有效的政治体系，其基础是显著的文化统一，而后者主要是由于人们普遍接受了一种共同的、尽管困难的书面语言和一套共同的伦理和社会价值观，即儒家思想。传统的中国既没有知识也没有力量来应对西方扩张带来的先进的科学、技术、经济组织和军事力量。日本的近代化和大国地位的上升，这一独特的现象使普遍的民族脆弱感和屈辱感更加强烈。日本的成功使中国的失败急剧缓解。

日本的表现促成了中国帝国制度的挑剔和崩溃，但它对随后的后续人员更容易做出事情。在面对糟糕的通信和全国范围内的现代武器广泛传播，共和国从来没有能够实现领土和民族团结。缺乏内部权威，它在其外交关系中并未携带大量重量。正如尴尬困难的那样，出现了两个激进的政治力量，是孙中山和蒋介石的相对强大的国民党，以及中国的年轻和较弱的共产党（CPC）。随着中国共产党和第三届国际的不可或缺的支持，国民党取得了充足的成功，因此在宣布了一个新的政府对整个中国控制的新政府的合理有理由。一时，国民党努力解决中国众多和巨大问题，包括那些破坏了其前任的人：通信不良和武器广泛分配。它还在外交关系中采取了强烈的反西方课程，取得了一些成功。如果Kuomintang的政权是最终会被证明，如果它没有被外部敌人毁了，因此，由于共和国的内部对手，这是不可能成功的。日本人在中国的先发制力越来越多，人民越来越倾向于看着国民党的唯一力量，防止中国被日本主导。在1937年的中日战争期间，国民党立即遭受了重大的军事击败和对中国东部的控制。 It was only saved from total hopelessness or defeat by Japan’s suicidal decision to attack the United States and invasion of Southeastern Asia. But military rescue from Japan brought no significant improvement in the Kuomintang’s domestic performance in the political and economic fields, which if anything to get worse. Clearly the pre-Communist history of Modern China has been essentially one of weakness, humiliation, and failure. This is the atmosphere in which the CPC developed its leadership and growth in. The result has been a strong determination on the part of that leadership to eliminate foreign influence within China, to modernize their country, and to eliminate Western influence from eastern Asia, which included the Soviet Union. China was changing and even developing, but its overwhelming marks were still poverty and weakness. During their rise to power the Chinese Communists, like most politically conscious Chinese, were aware of these conditions and anxious to eliminate them. Mao Tse-tung envisioned a mixed economy under Communist control, such as had existed in the Soviet Union during the period of the New Economic Policy. The stress was more upon social justice, and public ownership of the “commanding heights” of the economy than upon development. In 1945, Mao was talking more candidly about development, still within the framework of a mixed economy under Communist control, and stressing the need for more heavy industry; I believe because he had been impressed by the role of heavy industry in determine the outcome of World War II. In his selected works he said “that the necessary capital would come mainly from the accumulated wealth of the Chinese people” but latter added “that China would appreciate foreign aid and even private foreign investment, under non exploitative conditions.”

佛教学派

在蒋介石逃离中共后，他们发现自己处于不习惯的条件下，他们没有自己的武装部队或领土基地。它没有除了斯大林遭到损害的战略方案，他们将于1928年从融资的第六次世界大会到1935年的第七次坚持，主要是因为他在中国遭受的灾难，各地的共产党必须促进世界革命在抑郁症的时候。中国共产党与派系主义骑过;成功努力用相对“Bolshevization”或在外行术语中取代这种情况，这意味着强加的团结，最终由毛泽东制造，而不是斯大林。

与上海CPC的Comintern主导的中央设备平行，有一半的共产主义LED基地，每间位于中部和华南的游击队。这些基础主要凭借当地共产主义领导力的努力，通过以牺牲房地产的牺牲和降低利率来促进当地平民的严重经济和社会申诉费用的费用。在这些基础领域或苏维埃，最重要的是由毛泽东的领导，以东南市为中心。Correspondingly, in return for such service Mao was elected chairman of a Central Soviet Government, who supposedly controlled all the Communist base areas in 1931.

在毛泽东的个人贡献非常困难，同时不会让它与许多人所做的那段时间的其他思想家困惑，并且仍然在这一日期。它也很难分离1949年前和1949年后的各个方面和来自国际方面的方面。第一个基本和最重要的特征。然后与民族主义密切相似，他的民粹主义方法如此丰富的方法，即中国共产党所看到的不仅仅是作为普通人的先锋，而作为中产阶级的进步方，而是作为人民的代表。这很重要，因为它起到了“三大山”（帝国主义，封建主义和官僚资本主义）的相反立场，并且仍然接受了被动地位的CPC。毛主义仍然拥有另外两点在理解这一意识形态方面具有重要意义，它认识到有意识，自愿活动和主观力量的历史更重要，而不是有时比较的列宁主义，反对决定性的客观力量。它提出的最后一点是毛泽东强调矛盾和斗争，或者可能被称为消极思维的力量，它引起了它所受到所有类型的敌人和对他们的大小的评论，并称之为“纸虎”在1950年的演讲中。

毛泽东

1893年12月26日在一个小村庄Hsiangt以西约28英里,湖南在Shaoshanch 'ung,毛泽东诞生了。他出生在一个普选时期，他的父亲毛顺生离开家去参军，希望能回来照顾他的家人。他很快就带着充足的资金回来购买土地和牲畜，的背景也是他童年的一个原因,他这么多关心人民的农业增长和结束他们的痛苦。他的母亲是一个谦虚的人关心那些不幸的人们,相信在祷告神的指导和良好祝愿。他从五岁开始工作，就学习并养成了从一而终的倾向，密切关注父亲经营农田的方式和方式。他的父亲最终给他请来了一位家庭教师，教他商业方面的生活，还学会了阅读和写作。学习阅读让他对《水浒传》、《三国演义》、《孙悟空》等书产生了兴趣，但他最喜欢的还是第一本书。因为它讲述了一种反叛的欲望和反叛的精神，这对他的未来有多么重要的象征意义。他最终去了长沙上学，在那里，他的生活走上了一条他再也无法离开的道路。帝国对领导人在政治领域的角色充满不满。 China was in political chaos and the leaders new of nothing that could save them. During these times many disasters would take place such as the Russo-Japanese war, and the Boxer Rebellion which directed the Chinese government to construct a shaky, but authoritative constitution to hope these problems would not destroy their monarchy. At this time Mao had been in school learning as much as he could about the political agenda and about the revolution that was going on. He read many books about the causes of the revolution and the many theories that authors portrayed that could end this revolt. He himself started to write his feelings down into whatwould be his “life works” on what he believed could halt the problem or really give the Republic back to the people. This is one of the reasons why China is now called THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA. From this point of his educational advance, he would be in close contact with future leaders of the revolution, his classmates. He helped them take papers and documents around the city that told of plans of attacking the government. With the help of his classmates the formed a student society that was a front for the revolution to reach the students, where they read works and newspapers such as Hsiang River Weekly, this paper would subsequently print some of his beliefs. This paper was eventually snubbed by the present leader Chang Ching- yao. This is when his name became familiar with the government and they wanted him stopped and suppressed. He would soon leave to go Peking where he started to issue his views statements about the current government. This is where he started to learn more about Marxism and read the book the Communist Manifesto. When he returned he learned of the Hunan Armies seizures of citizens who they believed where threats to the society. From this point on, Mao new it would be his job and role in life to take charge and assert the necessary precautions to see that his people were treated the way that they needed to be treated.