阿拉巴马州前州长乔治·华莱士(George C. Wallace)周日晚在蒙哥马利的杰克逊医院(Jackson Hospital)去世。他当时79岁，住在阿拉巴马州的蒙哥马利。蒙哥马利杰克逊医院(Jackson Hospital)的女发言人丹娜·贝耶利(Dana Beyerly)说，华莱士于晚上9点49分死于呼吸和心脏骤停。华莱士在1972年的总统竞选中被一个名叫亚瑟·布雷默的21岁流浪汉枪杀，此后他的健康状况一直在下降。华莱士是民主党人，长期以来一直是各州权利的捍卫者，他在自己的州统治了近一代人。
但他的愿望是作为一个可能成为总统的人被人们记住，他在1968年，1972年和
1976年确立了主导20世纪最后25年美国政治的政治趋势。他认为，他的弱势竞选活动使另外两名南方人——吉米·卡特和比尔·克林顿——有可能被认真对待，成为总统候选人。他还不断地辩称，他关于赋予中产阶级权力的主题被理查德•尼克松(Richard Nixon)在1968年借用，然后被另一个加州人罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)抓住，作为他获胜的民粹主义保守主义的支柱。在后来的采访中，华莱士总是不太愿意谈论他在南方历史上的其他主要角色。1962年第一次当选州长后，他成为1963年牧师小马丁·路德·金博士(Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.)大规模抗议活动的导火索，这些抗议活动旨在破坏公共设施中的种族隔离，并在1965年为黑人争取投票权。年轻时，华莱士从阿拉巴马州东南部阳光明媚、叛军肆虐的地区冲了出来，第二次竞选州长。他在1962年、1970年、1974年和1982年都赢得了州长选举，成为阿拉巴马州唯一一位四任州长的人。他在1987年1月任期结束时退休。
他在阿拉巴马州的影响力如此之大，以至于在他上任仅两年的时间里，其他候选人几乎都恳求他允许他们把他的口号“支持阿拉巴马”(Stand Up for Alabama)放在他们的广告牌上。国会议员约翰·斯帕克曼,李斯特山,新政老兵在华盛顿和全国民主力量党,担心在公共场合反驳他,当他发誓要使国家陷入无情的对抗与联邦政府整合学校、公共汽车、卫生间和公共场所在阿拉巴马州。这一权力完全建立在他对阿拉巴马州白人多数派的承诺之上，他承诺继续对被剥夺公民权和大部分贫困的黑人公民进行历史性的压迫。正是华莱士种族压迫运动的巅峰时刻让他成为自路易斯安那州的休伊·朗(Huey Long)以来南方腹地最具影响力的政治斗士。首先是1963年1月14日，他的就职演说，由众所周知的三k党成员阿萨·卡特(Asa Carter)撰写。在宣言中，华莱士承诺保护该州的“盎格鲁-撒克逊人”不受与黑人“共产主义融合”的影响，并以“现在的种族隔离，明天的种族隔离，永远的种族隔离”这句话结束，这句话一直困扰着他后来进入民主党主流的努力。华莱士的下一个标志性时刻是在1963年6月11日，当时他“站在学校门口”，阻止两名黑人学生维维安·马龙和詹姆斯·胡德入学塔斯卡卢萨的阿拉巴马大学。几天后，有令人信服的报道称，华莱士担心因违抗联邦法院命令而入狱，曾私下向约翰·肯尼迪总统承诺，如果允许他发表挑衅言论，他将辞职。华莱士的州内批评者指责他是一个让州难堪的“字谜游戏”。但是，冰冷的现实并没有阻止他将阿拉巴马作为进入国家政治舞台和反大政府演讲的垫脚石的计划，他一直渴望通过这些演讲被历史铭记。 Wallace talked of running for president in 1964 as a neo-Dixiecrat candidate. But he backed off when the Republican nominee, Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona, came out against the bill that later became the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Goldwater’s move undercut Wallace’s trademark assertion that “there’s not a dime’s worth of difference” between the two main parties on race. After the election, Wallace regretted his timidity because he thought Goldwater had run a campaign of comical ineptitude, and when 1968 came around, he invented a party, drafted the eccentric retired Air Force general Curtis LeMay as his running mate, and began draining away the lunch-pail vote from Nixon. One reason for his success was that Wallace always campaigned “with the tense urgency of a squirrel,” in the memorable description of one biographer, Marshall Frady. Another reason was that his message worked among disaffected whites everywhere, not just in the South. Wallace’s political radar had picked up signals that Rust Belt workers and urban white ethnic Americans from Boston to Baltimore felt grumpy about black students in their neighborhood schools and black competitors in the workplace. He cleaned up his language, but he used an expurgated list of demons — liberals, Communists, the Eastern press, federal judges, “pointy-headed intellectuals” — to tap out in code words an updated version of his fire-hardened message from the Heart of Dixie. It was race and rage. This blend of color prejudice and economic grievance appealed to enough voters to win him more than 13 percent of the popular vote and five states in the 1968 presidential election. In the 1972 race, he was running even stronger in the Democratic presidential primaries. He rattled the party’s establishment with a second-place finish in Wisconsin and a rapid ascent in the polls. He also won primaries in Maryland and Michigan on May 16, but got the news in a hospital bed, having been shot and paralyzed on the day before the balloting. The injury from Bremer’s bullet became a “thorn in my flesh,” Wallace later said, and the truncated campaign became a thorn in his psyche.
他认为他没有被枪杀，受欢迎的呼吁将迫使民主党在1972年将他放在门票上，让尼克松在中西部和东北部席卷阳光带和蓝领环球。华莱士再次在1976年再次奔跑。从一开始，助手注意到一旦人群看到他的闪亮的轮椅掌握了掌声。华莱士也注意到它，而且在私人中，他有争议的朋友，他提醒他，尽管拐杖和轮椅，但富兰克林罗斯福曾赢过了。“Yeah,” Wallace told his confidant Oscar Adams, “they elected Roosevelt, but they didn’t watch him on television every night getting hauled on a plane like he was half-dead.”华莱士总统梦想的死亡是在伊利诺伊州的小学之前，当他退出并批准了一个更现代化的南方人，没有隔离主义行李，乔治亚州吉米卡特。华莱士希望在1972年和他带来突出的主要街道主题中记得他的闪亮时刻。丹卡特是埃默里大学历史教授的教授和最详细的华莱士传记，“愤怒政治”，支持索赔。“难以想象20世纪60年代，70年代和80年代的美国政治就像没有乔治华莱士的那样，”卡特在1994年采访时表示。“我不认为有一个问题，即尼克松和里根在他不先到的社会问题方面谈论。”在这一观点中，华莱士的总统竞选以特别是磨蚀的方式，是全国的一大部分政治的政治。 Wallace was the first major political figure in his generation to exploit the antipathy toward Washington that went on to be a prime force in politics from coast to coast. He was also surely the first in his generation to galvanize the white, working-class voters later labeled as Reagan Democrats. And he was the first nationally known politician of that generation to put such raucous emphasis on race, crime, welfare and other issues that still loom large, if less crudely, on the political landscape. After he retired as governor, Wallace used interviews to push relentlessly at the theme that he was the real inventor of Reaganism. Starting in 1979, he also undertook a campaign of apology and revisionist explanation intended to erase the word “racist” from his epitaph. He argued that his early devotion to segregation was based on his reading of the Constitution and the Bible and was misinterpreted as a racist hatred of black people. “I made a mistake in the sense that I should have clarified my position more,” he said in his last term as governor. “I was never saying anything that reflected upon black people, and I’m very sorry it was taken that way.” That Wallace died haunted by race is appropriate to his life story — one of Faulknerian perversity embodying the old themes of guilt and a steady, if clumsy, Snopsian aspiration. George Corley Wallace Jr. was born on Aug. 25, 1919, in Clio, Ala., a cotton town in Barbour County, where mule-drawn wagons were as common as cars on the unpaved main street.
他的父亲是一个受人爱戴的当地医生的儿子。他的母亲莫泽尔·史密斯·华莱士(Mozelle Smith Wallace)曾被母亲遗弃，并在莫比尔的一所圣彼得教会孤儿院度过了令人沮丧的少女时代。和他的父亲一样，小乔治很快就会用拳头，并被政治所吸引。他自称“巴伯·矮脚汉”，高中时曾两次获得金手套奖。15岁时，他站在蒙哥马利国会大厦的一颗金星上，这里是杰斐逊·戴维斯宣誓就任南部邦联总统的地方。按照传统，阿拉巴马州的州长从那时起都在这里宣誓就职。那是他青年时代的重要时刻。无论是大人还是孩子，乔治·华莱士都非常崇敬这个地方，以至于作为州长，他命令州警包围它，以防止来访的司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪(Robert Kennedy)在那里踩上一脚侮辱人的北方佬的脚。1937年，在阿拉巴马大学(University of Alabama)塔斯卡卢萨校区(Tuscaloosa campus)，乔治·华莱士(George Wallace)开始定义他的政治生涯。他穿着在蒙哥马利当侍从时穿的那套闪闪发亮的西装来到了这里，但塔斯卡卢萨对那些雄心勃勃的乡下穷小子来说是一个合适的地方。按照传统，这是未来州长和参议员的虚拟训练营。 Young Wallace won election as president of the freshman class. He never won another student office, but his campaign to beat the fraternity machine with a coalition of independents and out-of-state students whetted his permanent taste for underdog politics. The other leitmotifs of his Alabama career — cronyism and betrayal — emerged at the university. He acquired the hangers-on who staffed his later efforts, and he made an unlikely, but ill-fated friendship with Frank Johnson, a handsome law student from Winston County, a Unionist stronghold in northern Alabama that seceded from Alabama when Alabama left the Union. Johnson was a Republican, Wallace an ardent New Deal Democrat. Johnson joked about someday being a federal judge and Wallace about being governor. But the big wheels on campus tended to dismiss Wallace’s ambitions as comical. For in those days, too, Wallace impressed people by his frenetic energy and tireless pugnacity rather than by any inherent attractiveness. He waited tables and drove taxis and slid through law school, cramming from borrowed books. Frank Johnson’s wife, Ruth, was worried by Wallace’s habit of chasing innocent high school girls, although she thought him more interested in the adoration than sexual conquest. Finally in 1943, at the age of 23, he decided to marry one of his naive admirers, a 16-year-old dime store clerk named Lurleen Burns. It was wartime and Mrs. Wallace and their baby daughter, Bobbi Joe, born in 1944, followed wherever Wallace’s flight training in the Army Air Forces took him. He shipped to the Mariana Islands as a flight engineer in the spring of 1945, assigned to fly bombing missions over Japan.
传记师丹卡特发现了员工人员，他们记得华莱士兵工讲座捍卫巴宾县的隔离。“我不讨厌他们，”华莱士据报道说。“在他们的地方，彩色很好。但他们就像孩子一样，这不是一些事情会发生变化。它写成石头。“随着战争结束的时候，华莱士已经通过了九个作战任务。他被出院，在他拒绝在日本人投降后返回加州时，他拒绝了危险训练任务后诊断出来的10％的残疾。多年后，Sen.Wayne Morse，D-Ore。，披露华莱士的战时精神病史。华莱士回应说，与他的自由攻击者不同，他可以证明他是90％的理智。战争结束后，华莱士开始以卓越的速度爬上政治阶梯。 Using his Barbour County connections, he was named an assistant to Alabama’s attorney general in 1946. The next year he won election to the Alabama legislature. He allied himself with the racially moderate populist Gov. James Folsom and prevailed on Folsom to appoint him as a trustee of all-black Tuskegee Institute. As a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1948, Wallace refused to join the walkout by segregationist “Dixiecrats,” a move that placed him firmly in the progressive, racially moderate wing of a state Democratic Party that still had “White Supremacy” emblazoned on its ballot emblem. After this blooding in state and national politics, Wallace settled in as an elected district judge in his home county, serving from 1953 to 1958 and all the while laying plans to run for governor in 1958. It was in the preparation of that race and its aftermath that Wallace committed two betrayals — one personal and one political — that blemished his reputation for life, but also gave him a generationlong stranglehold on Alabama politics. The first came after 1958, when Wallace’s surprisingly strong dark-horse candidacy failed. He had followed the tolerant racial line laid down by Folsom and lost to John Patterson, whose devotion to massive resistance to court-ordered integration won him the following of the Ku Klux Klan. There were only about 5,000 Klan members, Patterson later recalled, but they helped him paper the state with campaign literature. Later, Wallace, in a quotation whose authenticity he long disputed, was recorded as saying that no one “will ever out out-nigger me again.” Even if not literally true, the remark defined the strategy Wallace would use to ride to power. He started the very next year when his law school friend Frank Johnson, now a federal judge with a strong civil rights record, ordered Wallace’s court to surrender voter-registration records to the United States Civil Rights Commission. Wallace denounced Johnson in public as a federal dictator, but conspired secretly to avoid being jailed on federal contempt charges by having a local grand jury surrender the records on his behalf. Johnson ruled that Wallace had used “devious means,” but had nonetheless obeyed the federal court order.
从来没有人尴尬的事实，华莱士标记了约翰逊的“地毯装袋，透析骗子”，他们想要将“第二个谢尔曼的游行到海上”。华莱士失去了一个朋友，但获得了一个绰号，“战斗法官”，这将有助于让他于1962年的州长成为克兰支持的全面的隔离主义者。正如约翰逊后来告诉阿拉巴马州作家弗兰克·斯科拉，华莱士也建立了他职业生涯的战术蓝图：“误导阿拉巴马州的人民以追求他的政治生涯。”沃莱斯当然没有那样看不见。他将自己描述为他国的经济发展，并推进国家政治中有限的政府和中产阶级价值的原因。现实是丑陋和更复杂的。In his four terms as governor, Wallace saw an era of unparalleled corruption that operated through a crony system centered on his brother Gerald, a lawyer who died in 1993. With the governor’s approval, Gerald Wallace and his close associate, Oscar Harper, went into business selling the state office supplies, printing, vending machines and building leases. Gerald Wallace and Harper established an asphalt company with $1,000 in capital. In a year and half, the infant company garnered more than a million dollars in state contracts. These unblushing accounts come not from political opponents, but from Harper’s 1988 memoir, “Me ‘n’ George,” regarded as one of the best guides to the inside dealing in Alabama’s capital during the Wallace years. “Most people have got the wrong idea about how I made my money,” Harper wrote. “They think me and Gerald are crooks.” Then he added: “That ain’t true. It’s just that good deals kept popping up and I never was one to turn a good deal down.” As this comment suggests, Wallace’s first term was rowdy, even by the standards of a region that had produced Gov. Eugene Talmadge of Georgia, known as “The Wild Man from Sugar Creek.” It is one of the paradoxes of Southern history that Alabama’s “Fighting Judge,” by trying to revive the antebellum doctrine of states’ rights, instead enabled the civil rights movement to reach its high-water mark. The Birmingham demonstrations in 1963 led to the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Two years later the Selma march led to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Despite these triumphs, it was a dangerous time for blacks and whites who supported the civil rights movement. During the Wallace years, at least 10 people died in racially motivated killings in Alabama.
华莱士和他的公共安全主管阿尔·林戈(Al Lingo)的反应主要是扰乱联邦政府对犯罪的调查，比如1963年9月15日在第16街浸礼会教堂造成4名小女孩死亡的爆炸案。阿拉巴马州的商业和教育机构的领导们总是对州的形象很敏感，他们开始把华莱士视为一个尴尬的人。当他心爱的母校的学生们高呼“我们是第50名”来迎接他时，这位州长自己也感到受伤和震惊。“第50名”指的是这所资金匮乏的大学的学术地位。但乔治·华莱士是风暴的产物，他的翅膀下总是有风，而风是白人农民、工厂工人和农村法院的老板们的崇拜，他们负责计票和发放赞助。他们喜欢华莱士挥舞着雪茄，往食物里灌满番茄酱，还说那个在阿拉巴马十字路口加油的家伙对共产主义的了解比国务院还多。当立法机构中一个异常强大的反华莱士派系拒绝修改州宪法以允许他连任时，华莱士在1966年让他生病的妻子鲁琳参加了投票。她在一场令人心碎的竞选中轻松获胜，证明了他的雄心。就在丈夫宣布参选的前几周，华莱士夫人接受了激进肠癌的手术和放疗。1968年，她因癌症去世。政治作家预测，阿拉巴马人会因为华莱士愤世嫉俗地利用一个生病的女人而惩罚他。但他只是在换档。 He reclaimed the governorship in 1970 with the most flagrantly racist campaign of his career, warning that his progressive opponent, Albert Brewer, was using a black “block vote” to install a regime of federal oppression. With Wallace’s clear approval, the Klan circulated fliers falsely accusing the clean-living Brewer and his wife and daughters of sexual perversions and miscegenation. It was a historic election for Alabama in two ways. First, Alabama was resisting the epochal progressive wave that swept the region in 1970 and installed New South governors like Jimmy Carter in Georgia and Reubin Askew in Florida. Secondly, Wallace openly committing himself to the presidential race track. By Wallace’s reckoning, his appeal to blue-collar voters outside the South had “shaken the eyeteeth” of both major parties in 1968. Indeed, President Nixon so feared Wallace’s disruptive potential in 1972 that he supplied $400,000 to Wallace’s opponent in the 1970 campaign for governor. But Wallace won with his racist attacks and his invitation to Alabamians to “send them a message” by launching him toward the 1972 presidential race. For a few months, Wallace was the hottest thing going. Gone were the pomaded hair and the bargain-store threads. His stylish new wife, Cornelia Ellis Snively, a niece of former Governor Folsom, decked out Wallace in modish, wide-lapel suits and taught him to use a blow dryer. Wallace talked less about race because he could afford to. His attacks on school busing let conservative whites know where he stood. As Wallace moved toward victory in the Florida primary, Nixon himself made an anti-busing speech that was regarded as a tribute to Wallace’s growing appeal. Wallace finished second behind Sen. George McGovern in the Wisconsin primary and second to former Vice President Hubert Humphrey in Indiana. Having established himself as a force in the Democratic Party, he was topping the polls in the primary campaigns of Maryland and Michigan.
但在5月15日下午，在马里兰州劳雷尔市一场不必要的竞选集会上，华莱士推翻了特勤局的决定，走进人群进行最后一轮握手。“嘿，乔治，让我和你握手，”阿瑟·布雷默喊道。布雷默此前曾想刺杀尼克松，但由于受挫，他跟踪州长达数周之久。在三英尺的距离内，枪手向华莱士开了三枪，切断了他的脊柱，使他终身瘫痪。布雷默于1972年6月被判63年监禁，目前正在马里兰州的监狱服刑。尽管他的总统希望破灭了，但华莱士通过吸引白人的忠诚和迎合他曾经反对的数以千计的新黑人选民，赢得了两届州长任期。但华莱士现在表现得更像一个领退休金的人，而不是首席执行官。他的伤口持续不断的疼痛——“我的皮肉之刺”——限制了他的注意力，导致他依赖美沙酮和其他止痛药。他对妻子科妮莉亚(Cornelia)产生了病态的嫉妒。1978年，科妮莉亚经历了一场混乱的离婚，也遇到了滥用药物的问题。华莱士建立王朝的希望破灭了，因为他的儿子小乔治是一个爱抱怨的竞选者，只能在微不足道的政府职位上取得进步。 Wallace married again to a failed country singer named Lisa Taylor. That marriage, too, generated sour publicity before they divorced in 1987. He is survived by four children from his first marriage: his son, of Montgomery; three daughters, Lee Dye and Bobbi Jo Parsons, both of Birmingham, and Peggy Kennedy of Montgomery; two brothers, Gerald, of Montgomery, and Jack, of Eufaula, Ala.; and several grandchildren. Wallace won his last election as governor in 1982, but it was historical revision, rather than running the state, that occupied his last years. Starting in 1977, he began giving interviews in which he said that political philosophy rather than racism was the motor of his career. In a typical interview, he said: “The New York Times, the Eastern establishment newspapers never did understand that segregation wasn’t about hate. I didn’t hate anybody. I don’t hate the man who shot me. When I was young, I used to swim and play with blacks all the time. You find more hate in New York, Chicago and Washington, D.C., than in all the Southern states put together.” As part of his rehabilitation effort, Wallace sought meetings with civil rights figures like the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, the Rev. Jesse Jackson and Rep. John Lewis, whose beating on “Bloody Sunday” at Selma galvanzied the voting-rights crusade. Wallace made a well-publicized appearance at King’s old church in Montgomery. Sometimes he even managed to use the magic words “I’m sorry.”
华莱士在1987年卸任后，阿拉巴马人继续支持他，在特洛伊州立大学担任了一个有名无实的领导职位。到他去世的时候，共和党人已经接管了州长职位，而华莱士的主要遗产，一个由职业学校、初级学院和小型四年制大学组成的全州体系，被认为是教育浪费和冗余的纪念碑，这是一个贫穷的州无法承受的。他最后一次公开露面是在斯派克·李(Spike Lee)的纪录片《四个小女孩》(Four Little Girls)中，该片讲述了第16街浸礼会教堂爆炸案的故事。在采访中，华莱士坚持认为他在这个世界上最好的朋友是一个黑人勤务兵。这个明显不舒服的勤杂工一直试图走出镜头，却被华莱士拉了回来。在公开放映时，电影的这一段通常会引来笑声。华莱士的公共生涯就此结束，他从那个时代最令人畏惧的政治家变成了一个可怜的遗骨。回想起来，这一职业生涯的道德轨迹似乎完全可以预测，完全符合福克纳关于种族主义不可消除的诅咒的观点。在乔治·华莱士的巅峰时期，他否认对折磨他的州的暴力行为负有任何道德责任。在他被《圣经》困扰的状态下，许多人坚持认为他受到了可怕的审判。 Brandt Ayers, the liberal editor of The Star newspaper in Anniston, put it this way: “The Governor we Alabamians knew was a man of primal passion: sincere champion of the working class, cynical manipulator of their resentments, a sorcerer summoning the beast in our nature, a man of deep insecurities, tenderness, and finally, humility.” He added, “When he came to my office in 1974 campaigning for governor, I told him: ‘George, you always claimed to stand up for the little man, but everybody knows that the real underdog is the black man. We stood up for him. You didn’t. Why?”‘ He did not answer. He just looked down at his legs for what seemed a very long time.”
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