在乔治·华盛顿领导下的立宪政府的最初几年里，有一种统一，通常被称为联邦制，就连詹姆斯·麦迪逊(共和党未来的建筑师)在描述共和党形式时也承认了这种统一
根据我们作为共和党人感到的快乐和自豪的程度，应该是我们对珍视联邦党人精神和支持联邦党人品格的热情。虽然立法者意见分歧严重，但政治团结被认为对国家的稳定是绝对必要的。政党或派别被认为是邪恶的“投诉到处都是听到我们最体贴和善良的公民,同样的公共和私人信仰的朋友,公共和个人自由,我们的政府太不稳定,公共利益是忽视冲突的竞争对手,措施往往决定,而不是根据正义的规则和小方的权利,而是由上级的利害关系和专横的多数…“公众的派系与英国过度和被认为是“到处都受欢迎的政府的致命疾病丧生。”詹姆斯·麦迪逊在联邦党人文集# 10写道,“派系,我明白许多公民,是否占多数或少数的,美国和一些常见的脉冲驱动的激情,或感兴趣的,不利的其他公民的权利,或永久和总社区的利益。”他继续解释道，派系是人性的一部分;“派系冲突的根源是无法消除的，只有通过控制其影响的手段才能得到缓解。”
麦迪逊在这篇文章中提出的重要观点是，联邦是对抗派系的保障，因为即使“派系领导人的影响可能在他们特定的州内点燃火焰，[他们将无法]在其他州传播一场大的大火。”是什么原因使托马斯·杰斐逊和詹姆斯·麦迪逊这样的人无视传统和公众对派系的看法，建立了一个反对党?他们最终是否同意埃德蒙·伯克(Edmund Burkes)的著名格言:“当坏人联合起来时，好人必须联合;否则他们就会在一场可鄙的斗争中一个接一个地倒下，成为可怜的牺牲品?”答案是否在于他们反对亚历山大·汉密尔顿的议程，反对增加政府行政部门和立法部门的权力?汉密尔顿推动建立了美国银行，一支由总统(国会负责招募和支持军队)筹集的庞大常备军，一个海军部门，提供资金和消费税，在外交政策上，保持中立，支持英国的利益，而不损害法国。许多议员，尤其是南方的议员，都十分警惕，认为要对付汉密尔顿的胜利，唯一的办法就是分裂联邦。许多人担心军队会像威士忌叛乱时那样被用来对付他们。南方人认为税收是为了支持一种新的国库贷款，这种贷款有利于“商业城市里的亲英商人”，而南方的土地所有者支付这种税是不公平的。这些问题以及法国、英国和美国之间的中立问题是共和党形成的催化剂。 The French and English conflict caused many problems with America’s political system. The English “Order of Council” and the French “Milan Decree” wreaked havoc with America’s shipping and led to Jay’s Treaty of 1794.
杰伊的条约对美国有利，并帮助与英国有一场战争，但它也疏远了法国人。法国通过抓住美国船只导致美国思想中的威胁威胁的恐惧作出反应。亚当斯总统向法国派出了三名委员，努力解决一个解决方案，并修改了1778年的法国美国联盟，但巴黎政府要求贿赂和美国谈判甚至开始前的贷款。美国专员拒绝支付贿赂，他们被剥夺了受认证的当局的观众，甚至蔑视。两个专员曾回到美国，艾尔布里奇格里留在后面看他是否可以解决问题。这被称为XYZ Affair，是法国与美国之间未宣例的海军战争的开始。XYZ Affair队伍袭击了联邦党的手中。他们立即通过法国彻底放弃了1788年的所有条约，并开始创建一个大型常设军队和海军部门的议程，以应对美国法国战争的威胁。煽动恐惧和爱国主义，强烈的反法语情绪席卷了土地。然后，当Monsieur Y吹嘘“法国的外交技能以及她在你所拥有的意味着她所拥有的意味着，她就足以让她有着法国派对，那么警告的宝石被扔进联邦主义手中。 will attend the rupture of the negotiations on the Federalist, as you term yourselves, but on the British party, as France terms you.” This boast was to cause suspicion and wide spread denunciation of the Republican Party and its leaders. Senator Sedgwick, majority whip in the Senate, after hearing of the XYZ Affair, said, “It will afford a glorious opportunity to destroy faction. Improve it.” Hamilton equated the public’s perception of the Republican’s opposition to the Federalist’s agenda like that of the Tories in the Revolution. All in all, this boast began the process that became the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. The Republicans debated against the bills for about a month, but the Federalist had the votes. A background of fear helped keep the public silent and perhaps somewhat approving to the loss of some personal freedoms, as nobody wanted to be accused as a Jacobean. In May of 1778, President Adams declared a day of prayer and fasting. Many thought that the Jacobeans were going to use that day to rise up in insurrection and “cut the throats of honest citizens.” They even thought they were going to attack President Adams and citizens of Philadelphia came out by the hundreds to protect him. Federalist saw this as a demonstration of support for the government.
那些对煽动煽动账单的人被指控在联赛中与雅各布人一起。Edward Livingston，与Bill说，“如果我们准备违反宪法，人民会向我们的未经授权的行为提交吗？先生，他们不应该屈服;如果他们没有抗拒，他们会得到我们的措施，我们的措施是对他们锻造的。“由于他对流行叛乱的暗示威胁，联邦主义者被指控煽动煽动叛列;当要执行非法权力时，将在未来辩论中看到的练习。共和党报纸在栏杆上靠联邦主义者，特别是对煽动票据。奥拉是领先的共和党出版物，本杰明巴克是其编辑。Baches'能够让故事造成的造成联邦主义者之间的惊人。哈里森·灰色奥蒂斯说，巴克斯的写作甚至影响了聪明的人，“你能期待什么，从吞咽康姆尼乐于吞咽康姆尼的痛苦和杂乱的人群中。 The Federalist needed the Sedition bill to shut down the Republican presses and Bache played right into their hands with his publication of Tallyrand’s conciliatory letter to the American envoys before the President had even seen it. Republicans insisted that this was a journalistic scoop that would lead to peace because France was willing to negotiate with Edmund Gerry. The Federalist wanted Bache to explain how he had received a letter that the President hadn’t even seen yet. They began to accuse him of being in league with France, an agent of Tallyrand and an enemy of the people of the United States. The administration was so incensed with Bache that they didn’t wait for passage of the Sedition bill, but had him arrested for treason on June 27, 1778. From the very beginning Republican leaders recognized that the Sedition bill was primarily directed toward the destruction of any opposition to the Federalist Party and its agenda. Albert Gallatin said the Sedition Act was a weapon “to perpetuate their authority and preserve their present places.” Proof that this bill was politically motivated became obvious when the House voted to extend the act from the original one year proposed to the expiration of John Adams term, March 3, 1801. The States response to the passing of the Sedition Act was mixed. Kentucky and Virginia each responded with acts basically nullifying the Congressional act, but other states accepted the Congress taking authority from what had been a state function. The public response initially appeared mixed. British common law seemed to have preconditioned many to accept a limitation of their personal freedoms. The victory of the Republicans, who ran on a platform of anti-sedition, in the election of 1800 showed that Americans were much more interested in personal freedom than the aristocratic Federalist thought. What would happen if Congress submitted a Sedition Bill today as they did in 1778? With our established two-party system (in marked contrast to their conceptions of factions), the freedom of press as a well developed principle, and freedom of speech the cornerstone in American’s sense of liberty; it seems that there would be a major revolt. Are there any instances in 20th century history that compares to the Sedition Act’s flagrant disregard of the First Amendment? No government actions seem so blatantly unconstitutional as the Sedition Act of 1798; but, there are many actions since then that have caused much more personal pain than the twenty-seven persons convicted under the Sedition Act. In times of war it is understood that many personal liberties may be curtailed, especially for enemy aliens living in the United States.
罗斯福总统签署的战争搬迁机构签署了数千名敌人的外国人以及日本公民，因为他们在整个西方的集中营中被实习。这些美国人被告知，如果他们是真正的爱国公民，他们会在没有抱怨的情况下。如果他们抱怨那么那就是他们不是忠诚公民的初步证据。1940年6月，美国对德国侵略的恐惧导致了史密斯法案的颁布。就像外星人和煽动行为一样，它需要所有的外星人登记和指纹。它还使其成为宣称或教导美国暴力推翻的罪行，或者甚至属于参与这些行动的小组。美国最高法院在11个共产党（Dennis V Unitiones）的情况下维持了法律的宪法。该决定后来于1957年（Yates V United States）。裁定教学共产主义或政府的暴力推翻本身并不构成定罪的理由。另一个政府侵犯美国公民自由的例子是众所周知的参议院小组委员会，由约瑟夫麦卡锡领导的联合国活动。成千上万的人失去了生计，无士托，手指指向，彻底的谎言破坏了个人声誉。 As in earlier instances of uncontrolled excesses by people in government, guilt was assumed and protestations of innocence were evidence that “something” was being hidden. In 1993, rumblings were heard from the Democratic controlled Congress that there needed to be fairness in broadcasting. If one viewpoint was shared, they felt the opposing viewpoint must be given fair time to respond. This was facetiously called the “Rush Act” in response to the phenomenal success of conservative radio talk show host, Rush Limbaugh. As in the 1790’s when Republicans formed newspapers to counteract the Federalist control of the press; many conservatives felt that the few conservative broadcasters and programs had a long way to go before they balanced the liberal press. Fortunately, as in the 1800 election, Republicans gained control of Congress in 1992 and the “Rush Act” died a natural death. Recently many Americans have become concerned with domestic terrorism. Waco, the Oklahoma Federal Building, and now the Freemen in Montana have caused citizens and legislators alike to want something done. The House of Representatives just approved HR2768. This bill will curtail many liberties for American citizens as well as Aliens. The following are eight points made by the ACLU concerning this bill:
1.宽泛的恐怖主义定义有被选择性起诉的风险
2.更多非法窃听和较少的司法控制将威胁隐私
3.反情报和恐怖主义调查的扩大威胁到了隐私
4.执行局将决定美国人可以支持哪些外国组织
5.秘密证据将用于驱逐程序
6.外国持不同政见者将被禁止进入美国
7.联邦法院实际上将失去纠正违宪监禁的权力
8.外星人等同于恐怖分子。
该法案与1798年的《外国人和煽动叛乱法》、1950年的《史密斯法案》、1950年的《麦卡伦法案》以及导致战争搬迁管理局成立的1942年2月19日的行政命令有许多共同点。当恐惧控制了公众，议程控制了当权者时，就会采取每一项行动。值得庆幸的是，美国人民有《宪法》和《权利法案》将他们从边缘拉回来，并迫使那些负有责任的人承担责任。政府的责任在于被统治者。如果美国人民在恐惧中对艰难的形势和事件作出反应，那么一种普遍的不适和无助感将渗透到美国集体意识中。放弃个人责任会侵蚀自由，创造一种依赖的氛围，导致更大的政府和伪安全。爱德华·利文斯顿的声明:“如果我们准备违反宪法，人们会屈服于我们未经授权的行为吗?先生，他们不应该屈服;如果他们不反抗，他们就应该受到我们措施为他们打造的锁链。”这对今天的美国人是一个及时的警告。
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