Viva La Liberta!- Anthony Arblaster的Opera政治由Verso于1992年在英国伦敦发表。这是本书的第一版和出版物。该书包含340页文本,没有插图,包括内容表,九个主要章节,结论,备注和索引。章节从现代政治,1789年的法国革命开始,从那时期一段时间到“莫扎特:阶级冲突和启示”,直到“民主歌剧:受害者为英雄”的现代歌剧/音乐剧。所有九章都是由同一个作者,安东尼Arblaster所写的。每一章试图从同一时期专注于几个作曲家,他们共享类似的政治观点和行动。每章都可以被视为个人工作/论文。九章顺序遵循时间框架,分别:Ch.1莫扎特:阶级冲突和启示,Ch.2歌剧和革命,CH.3 Patria Foppressa:Rossini,Bellini,Donizetti和Risorgimento(民族主义I),CH.4Verdi:自由主义者,Ch.5 Wagner:从革命到种族主义,CH.6俄罗斯,捷克斯洛伐克和英国(民族主义II),CH.7妇女在Opera,Ch.8 Interlude - 没有政治的歌剧:Puccini和 Strauss and Ch.9 Democratic Opera: Victims as Heroes. The introduction and conclusion helps in giving coherence to the vast time frame of two hundred years and the different emphasis on political of composers in their works. The detailed index is also helpful in the cross referencing a particular work or composer which might be mentioned in different chapters for comparisons. The notes offer a detailed bibliography with chance for further reference material on the issue of politics in opera. General Summary Although the book does not formally state the meaning of “politics”, the definition used throughout the book is the “beliefs about how a country ought to be governed” instead of politics as in political power and actions or activities.

本书还呈现在特定时期的社会背景的论点,作为“政治”,如果歌剧缺乏政治要素(社会背景),它缺乏一个令人信服的因素,其中作曲家和观众之间的沟通和互联共识将被忽视,歌剧不能“纯粹”音乐。音乐,特别是歌剧必须从“某事”中出来,这是一个“东西”,在外面和超越音乐本身,在许多情况下,政治信念扮演是其中的主要部分。这本书的意图不是将政治视为歌剧的主要原因或结果,而是存在影响,并反驳从批评者歌剧中政治的共同落下和疏忽。在所有章节中,作者遵循类似的模式呈现他的论点。首先,讨论了他生命中各个阶段的作曲家的历史和信仰。作曲家的字母和书籍(如瓦格纳)作为证据呈现。作曲家的观点在那方面,应该讨论了歌剧包括政治。然后讨论各个歌剧,涉及杨藏的特定部分作为参考和证据。还详细讨论了歌剧的故事线。介绍了观众的反应和初始表现时的普及。 Critics of different periods for the interpretation of the work is also quoted to give a more subjective point of view on the issue. Finally, for each chapter, a brief conclusion on the period or the composer is given and the central themes are reiterated.

虽然莫扎特并不是一个政治人物,但在第一章中,他的作品被认为是现代歌剧的黎明,具有一定的政治意义。在他的歌剧中,有阶级、性冲突和战争的思想。在《费加罗的nozze di Figaro》和《唐·乔瓦尼》中,阶级冲突涉及贵族地位的滥用和平民的崛起。这场性战争发生在Le nozze di Figaro和Cosi fan tutte中,在那里,女性应该受到尊重,而不是以老派的沙文主义方式假设,在爱情和性问题上,应该不信任女性而不是男性。在《Die Zauberflote》中,我们可以看到法国大革命后光明和智慧战胜了黑夜女王和迷信的希望和乐观的时刻。阿布拉斯特在第三章和第六章中认为,音乐和歌剧在创造民族认同感和团结欧洲各国人民的民族事业中发挥了核心作用。歌剧通常为表达颠覆性的政治情绪提供了一个论坛,这些政治情绪伪装成爱国的咏叹调或合唱来绕过人口普查。以意大利为例,罗西尼的纪尧姆·泰尔(Guillaume Tell)对意大利独立最为明确的表述。阿布拉斯特还指出,罗西尼的三部歌剧:《埃吉托的摩西》、《第二毛梅托》和《纪尧姆·泰尔》都是关于国家压迫和合唱的,在这些歌剧中,咏叹调不是针对个人的,而是针对整个国家的。这三幅画都描绘了激进的自由民族主义思想。 Other composers of opera of Italy and other countries spread similar ideas of nationalism in which helped to lead to the rise of the independent nations. However, the most important emphasis of the book is placed on two composers: Verdi and Wagner. Arblaster uses one-third of the book to portray Verdi as the liberal patriot with his heart for the Republic and Wagner as the German with strong nationalist, racist and anti-Semitic views. It is also in Chapter 5 devoted to Wagner that the author changes the format to a more argumentative fashion. Other critic’s arguments are put forth followed by his own rebuttal and presentation of evidence. Verdi was one of the composers with the strongest political convictions and at one time even actually ran and succeeded in entering the national parliament. However, the most important aspect is that he allowed himself and his personality to be in his music and his operas, and lacks the feeling of distance between creator and creation that we find in Mozart or Rossini.

读:
玛格丽特·劳伦斯的《石头天使:概要与分析》

他最伟大的民族主义表现之一是在纳布科与大祭司Zaccaria一起演出著名的合唱团“Va pernsiero”在威尔第的葬礼上自发演唱,这是在首次演出60年后。在19世纪40年代,威尔第的歌剧大致可以分为主要为个人创作的戏剧包括埃尔纳尼,福斯卡利,科尔萨罗,马斯纳迪里和路易莎·米勒还有阿尔兹拉和麦克白作为边缘案例。第二类主要是政治的、公众的和爱国的,包括阿提拉、乔瓦娜·德·阿科和拉·巴塔利亚·迪·莱格纳诺。讨论了《阿科》和《阿依达》中爱国义务与个人情感的冲突等问题。意大利的爱国者,对抗野蛮的入侵者,就像阿提拉一样。在1849年意大利起义和罗马共和国覆灭的失败后,威尔第转向了更多的个人困境和社会问题。《弄堂》和《波卡内格拉》都是关于阶级冲突的,而《茶花女》则是关于社会问题的。在他的职业生涯接近尾声时,唐·卡洛斯成为了天主教会的目标,这表明天主教会比国家更强大、更残忍。《阿依达》以反教权主义的情绪结束了威尔第的政治路线或政党政治戏剧。尽管瓦格纳的作品被希特勒和第三帝国视为文化象征,瓦格纳也有许多纳粹的反犹太主义和种族主义观点,但阿布拉斯特强调,这并不意味着瓦格纳会赞同纳粹的行为。 He simply states that the racist and nationalistic views of Wagner in his operas, or music-dramas cannot be ignored. Rienzi, was against aristocratic rule and carried a strong suggestion of fascism which many say turned Hitler’s ambitions away from art towards politics after seeing the first performance. The Ring, which spanned twenty-six years carried different political meaning during various stages of the opera corresponding to Wagner’s beliefs in life. In Die Walkure, there was incest which in a way signified ‘pure blood’ and ‘pure race’. In Siegfried, there was thinly disguised racism with Siegfried’s treatment of Mime. Siegfried, arrogant, aggressive and above all mindless Nordic hero was supposed to be the ‘most perfect human being’. In Das Rheigold, Wagner’s obsession with the ‘fire-cure’ to cleanse the world was indicated by the doom of the gods even with the return of the gold. With Chapter 7, Arblaster discusses the social role of women in opera and that they are almost always the victims but are given more weight and sympathy in opera than in the real world.

读:
Ethan Frome:摘要和评论

普契尼和施特劳斯在第8章中展示了作为作曲家,他们试图在日益增长的政治世界中创作非政治歌剧,以及这是如何影响他们歌剧的连贯性和有效性的。最后在第九章,现代歌剧到百老汇音乐剧都被包括在内,声明歌剧不再是关于精英或特权阶层,而是关于作为英雄的普通人。阿布拉斯特在引言和结论中都强调音乐是歌剧的基本和最重要的元素。然而,在整本书中,他的讨论都围绕着歌词,很少提及音乐以及歌词如何表达政治、民族主义或爱国情感。他没有对管弦乐队或乐谱进行详细分析。充其量,他只是指明了某一特定部分的乐器。这可能是因为作者的历史背景深厚,但音乐背景薄弱。阿布拉斯特有时也使用歌剧的原始版本,而不是我们可以得到的修订版或版本。这对我们的研究和实际应用可能提供有限的好处。作者还将政治的定义延伸到歌剧的社会背景中,特别是在莫扎特和歌剧中的女性章节中。 The social context might just be a background in which an action takes place instead of the beliefs of the composer in which he would want to spread to increase awareness. For example, in Le nozze di Figaro, there is class and sex conflict. However, theses are ideas which were rising at the time but not politics which are beliefs which would help govern the country. Opera in many cases spread ideals and visions but that does not equal to spreading ideas of politics. Opera carries more meaning than sheer entertainment but not necessarily politics. This also give rises to the pinpointing of certain parts of the libretto to establish the political element of the opera.

这部歌剧可能在很大程度上是非政治性的,并试图表达其他观点,但通过提取和强调这些元素,读者可能会对这部歌剧的内容产生错误的意图。例如,尽管在结论作者强调瓦格纳的音乐成就并没有影响他的种族主义观点,读者会过多关注这些争议和政治non-correct歌词而忽略了音乐作曲家和其他含义的工作如戒指。总而言之,安东尼·阿布拉斯特可能太过努力了,因为他不是去寻找一条连接所有歌剧的线索,而是太过深入地为他所讨论的作曲家寻找每一部歌剧的个人证据。

引用这篇文章:William Anderson (Schoolworkhelper编辑团队),“Anthony Arblaster的Viva la Liberta!”《歌剧中的政治:总结与分析》,收录于SchoolWorkHelper, 2019,//www.chadjarvis.com/anthony-arblasters-viva-la-liberta-politics-in-opera-summary-analysis/

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